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Waxman-Markey: Does Anyone Care?

The House of Representatives may vote today on historical climate change legislation.

But:

The climate bill isn’t on the front page or politics page of nytimes.com.

Nothing on CNN.com or Foxnews.com. Only item on Fox politics page is multi-day old item that Gore will speak to Reps about climate change…the trip has since been cancelled.

Does anyone care?

Drudge does have links to 5 articles, including two interesting ones (link, link), on the length of the bill which ask the reasonable question of whether anyone is actually reading it before it goes to vote, and wondering about recent transparency pledges.

Waxman-Markey: Something for Everyone

In their effort to add something for everybody in Waxman-Markey, its gotten so huge that I fear that there’s now something for everyone to hate in it.

Prepare to be Inventoried

In our eco team at Sun we are faced with a wave of new external environmental reporting, monitoring, and measurement requirements. We’re big on transparency, but the costs and implied morality are getting to be a drag.

One example. Everyone wanted a price on carbon so that it was built into the economy. But even though that appears to be on the way, its now not enough. Now there are folks who want us to report details on the GHG emissions of every aspect of our business, including some who want us to report the complete carbon footprint of each product through the entire supply chain. Is there any use for this data other than for people to give us grades on how “good” we are? Not clear.

Well, Nancy Pelosi finally identified the end point of this trend. Yesterday in an environmental speech in China she said: “Every aspect of our lives must be subjected to inventory.”

Temperature Data – “Worse than we thought”

The title may have led you to believe that the temperature is rising worse than expected, but the comment is about the data itself.

The various sets of temperature data that we have to do climate modeling are not very good, especially as you go back in time. This shouldn’t be surprising, when we’re trying to detect changes in temperature on the order of a few tenths of a degree C per decade, and the state of sensors and data collection networks prior to the PC and Internet eras.

What may surprise you is how much the data we have from the past continues to be massaged and manipulated. At Climate Audit, “Worse than We Thought” outlines the recent changes to one dataset.

While the changes are suspect, the lack of transparency about exactly how the data was manipulated is near criminal.

Transparency in a Cap and Trade Regime

One of the common arguments for a cap and trade system for GHG is that it establishes a price for carbon which will drive changes in investment and behavior. However, the current draft of the proposed Waxman-Markey bill (W-M) has introduced a wide range of allowances, offsets, and other mechanisms which may alter the actual price of carbon on a case-by-case basis. So even though there may be a market price for allowances that are traded among large emitters, that price will usually have nothing to do with the price for carbon that is actually paid by an energy consumer. As a result, the system has not created a useful price signal for large sectors of our economy, including US households.

Furthermore, once the European cap and trade system was put in place, there were many cases of energy prices actually rising more cost of the corresponding emissions allowances. With the lack of consumer price transparency in W-M, it becomes impossible to to determine if energy price increases are a result of fluctuating emission prices or not.

To rectify this I would like to propose the following addition to any proposed US cap and trade legislation:

Consumer Energy Price Transparency Amendment: whenever a consumer (individual or organization) is billed for energy, the bill must explicitly identify the portion of the bill which was used to pay for emissions allowances, and the effective price per ton of CO2e that the amount represents. In cases where the exact amount is difficult to allocate, or that the information is not available at the moment of billing (such as at a gas station), then aggregated averages or estimates based on past time periods are allowable, provided that the sum of allowance charges presented to all consumers is within x% of the actual total.

Carbon Offsets in Good Magazine

A useful discussion of offsets in Good Magazine.

International Carbon Offsets: The Next Trillion

In my role of Chief Sustainability Officer at Sun, I take part in an annual discussion of whether the company should purchase carbon offsets as part of our GHG reduction plan. Since we can buy carbon offsets at a price which is lower than what it costs us to reduce our GHG directly, we have four different approaches available to us:

  1. use offsets to report a greater emissions reduction at the same price as if we only did internal projects
  2. use offsets to report the same emissions as internal projects, but at a lower price
  3. ignore offsets and just do internal projects
  4. some mix of offsets and internal projects

So far, each year we have elected to only invest in internal projects. Our rationale is that we can help the company and the environment with that choice — the company gets more efficient and the we lower our direct GHG emissions. Furthermore we find that this rationale is applicable to each marginal dollar of investment, so that we end up only investing in internal projects as opposed to a mix. This means that the emissions reductions that we report aren’t as low as they theoretically could be, but that’s a tradeoff that we think makes sense for us, since we keep reducing our own emissions instead of paying others to reduce theirs.

As it thinks about creating a cap and trade system, the US Government faces the same decision: do we allow international offsets in order to keep costs down and/or make the results look better, or do we stick to investing within the country?

With that in mind I was very interested to read the following on page 4 of the summary of the EPA analysis of the Waxman-Markey draft bill:

Offsets have a strong impact on cost containment.

  • The capped sector uses all of international offsets allowed in all years of the policy (1.25 billion tCO2e offsetting 1 billion tCO2e of capped sector emissions annually).

  • The 1 billion tCO2e annual limit on domestic offsets is never reached due to limited mitigation potential.

  • Without international offsets, the allowance price would increase 96 percent.”

In order to understand the magnitude of these statements, we need to use a cost of carbon. The graph below is from page 15 of the EPA analysis, and shows the anticipated offset prices for the period covered by the bill. Elsewhere in the presentation it give specific numbers: 2015 – $13 to $17, 2030 – $28 to $36, and 2050 – $74 to $96.

WM-carbon-cost.jpg

In order to estimate the total cost, I’m going to use a 2012 starting price of between $11 and $15, and do two linear approximations, one from 2012 to 2030, and one from 2030 to 2050. This will produce a result that is a slightly higher than the curve shows, but only by a few percent.

With these approximations and a purchase of 1.25 billion metric tons of international offsets per year, we get the following results:

2012-2030: $438B to $573B

2030-2050: $1.28T to $1.65T

Total (2012-2050): $1.72T to $2.22T

Per household per year (counting 111M US households), this comes out to:

2012-2030: $218 to $236 per household per year

2030-2050: $577 to $743 per household per year

This looks pretty outrageous. This money is going to foreign countries, and the selection of where it goes will be done by the companies who are purchasing offsets (who will be presumably working off of a list of approved offsets). Personally I’m all for making strategic investments in GHG reductions outside of the US, but to put in place a program where this much money over this long of a period flows beyond the US makes no sense, recession or no.

So why is this even part of the design? The answer is in the Sun example, as well as the note from the EPA report. If you want to appear to be reducing your GHG emissions, its cheaper to pay someone outside of the US to do it instead of doing it here. One option would be to commit to lower reductions, but Waxman-Markey has ruled that out as an option. Another is to commit to reductions within the US but at a higher cost (96% according to the EPA analysis), which is politically untenable in today’s economy. So instead, Waxman-Markey puts us on a path to spend $2T or so over the next 38 years to improve the GHG efficiency of other countries.

Two related notes:

  1. Roger Pielke, Jr. reports on the trillion dollar plus reduction in the GDP which is in the EPA analysis. This is also a huge deal.

  2. Supporters of the bill are citing the EPA analysis with relatively low numbers for the increase in household cost. However, its clear reading through the EPA analysis that they have only examined direct energy costs, and not the increase in costs throughout the economy that consumers will have to bear. Its interesting to note that some people are citing annual impacts per household that are lower than the amounts above which would flow overseas – that tells you that how far below reality these estimates are.

Pielke: Cap and Trade Certain

Roger Pielke, Jr on Why Cap and Trade Will Become Law….

Revkin: Looking to Ground a Broader Discussion?

Andrew Revkin’s Friday Times Dot Earth piece, Study: Cool Spells Normal in Warming World talks about how climate change is communicated and understood.

He starts by noting an upcoming academic publication that reinforces the point that an upward temperature trend may still have decade or two long periods without warming or even moderate cooling. This, of course, is important for both sides of the argument: we need to be careful reading too much into short term trends (of course that argument applies in both directions, which could have deserved some mention).

Personally this was not as interesting as the last portion of the post where he reviews efforts to create a common language to talk about the climate, and where he proposes to explore some of the other academic theories surrounding climate change and what we can expect. If he does so in an intellectually honest way he can help create a more open discussion about the possibilities of what we face. While we can’t read too much into the current data, it is data nonetheless. And there are qualified, well-meaning scientists who don’t line up with the IPCC party line, and aren’t just on the big oil payroll.

It is important that the middle ground of this discussion occurs, and I applaud Andrew if he can be someone who can help it come about.

Big Senate Votes

Two pretty amazing votes in the Senate yesterday which will have a major impact on any future cap and trade proposal.

The first was an 89-8 vote on an amendment on the Budget Resolution introduced by Senator John Thune (R-SD) that states that any climate change legislation cannot increase gasoline or electricity prices. Pretty much cuts out the heart of any proposed cap and trade system. Roger Pielke Jr. provides more insight here.

This was followed by a second vote of 98-0 on a second amendment to the Budget Resolution. This one, from Senator Ensign (R-NV), states that climate change legislation, be it cap and trade or carbon tax, can’t increase the net tax burden of the middle class. Again, details from Roger Pielke Jr here.

It’s hard to read these without thinking that the possibility of real, effective, federal climate change policy just got a lot less likely.